Since Yushchenko has no legal muscle to dismiss Tymoshenko, the stand-off will be long and bitter. The crux of the situation is that the premier and Yushchenko’s chief-of-staff Baloha realize that they are untouchables. Moreover, Yulia Tymoshenko is aware that her dismissal is beyong Yushchenko’s reach and can be caused only by the break-up of the ruling coalition or if government resigns or gets a red card from parliament or if she chooses to resign, Yermolayev explained.

Simultaneously, Yermolayev believes that Yushchenko’s dwindling rating is not connected with Tymoshenko. “In 2005, Yushchenko’s rating plummeted because he failed to deliver on his campaign promises. He demonstrated slowness, tsarist aspirations, lack of understandable economic agenda, and this led to discouragement on the part of Ukrainians. However, when Yushchenko later began to play hardball with the Rada, his rating went up. It was even viewed as a comeback. But it was a short-lived comeback. As of the fall of 2007, Yushchenko saw his rating steadily declining. Even his hectic activities in the areas of culture and Ukrainian history did not help. His image of a strong-arm leader had blurred. The present stand-off with Tymoshenko is proof that Yushchenko is engaged in a tug-of-war with the premier instead of playing an active political role.”

For her part, Tymoshenko is also faced with problems. Her rating began to decline even sooner than predicted. “At the start, she enjoyed wide support as a politician who won the election. Then she began to lose steam when she started Oshchadbank’s payments as hand-outs never promote a stable rating. According to experts, Tymoshenko’s rating was expected to decline in late April. Paradoxically, for all the loud declarations, fight with Ukrainian fat cats and the gas war with Russia, the decline of her popularity began earlier, Yermolayev summed up.